Thursday, June 1, 2017

Penalties for Infringements: Policy Rationalised

Penalties for Infringements: Policy Rationalised
(Geopolitics May 17)


Major General Mrinal Suman



Most defence scams have been following a familiar pattern. The government remains blissfully unaware of all wrongdoings till the foreign media unearths the transgressions. Initial denials by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) are quickly followed by promises of seeking details from the envoys abroad. Once Indian media builds pressure, the government is forced to accept that ‘everything is not above board’. Finally, with a view to deflect increasing flak, the case is handed over to the investigative agencies. The foreign vendor is debarred till the finalisation of the enquiry, without considering negative effects on India’s military preparedness. Three major cases have been recalled here to underline the issue.

One, a contract for 410 Bofors 155 mm FH-77B towed artillery systems was signed with the Swedish firm in 1986. It included transfer of technology for subsequent manufacture of guns in India. However, with the exposure of kickbacks, the government banned Bofors for all future dealings. Despite having paid for the technology, India failed to utilise it to develop indigenous manufacturing competence.
As spares could not be procured from Bofors, middlemen thrived making huge profits. In the absence of adequate spares, the Army had to cannibalise parts from some guns to keep other guns functional. Indian inventory of 84 mm Carl Gustav Rocket Launchers also suffered as Carl Gustav subsequently became a subsidiary of Bofors and thus, came under the ban. The Indian Navy that had been using Bofors guns on some ships also faced difficulties in ensuring regular supply of spares.

Two, discussions were in final stages with Denel of South Africa for 155 mm howitzers when it emerged that Denel had employed unacceptable means to grab contract for the supply of NTW-20 Anti-Material Rifle. The government decided to blacklist Denel in 2005 and cancel all orders placed on it.

The development was highly unfortunate. With the blacklisting of Denel, Indian Army’s Field Artillery Rationalisation Plan suffered a crippling blow. Additionally, India’s quest for indigenous production of 155 mm ammunition also suffered a major setback. Work on a new ordnance factory in Nalanda to manufacture 155mm ammunition for Bofors guns got stalled, as Denel was to provide technical know-how. Hundreds of crores of rupees thus went down the drain. 

Three, a contract was signed with the German firm HDW in December 1981. India was to get two HDW 209 class fully built submarines; and sub-assemblies and components for assembling two other submarines in India. HDW delivered two submarines in 1987 and two more were assembled in India in the due course. As allegations of bribery and kickbacks became public, the government decided to blacklist the company. It was also decided not to build any more submarines of the same class. 

HDW is the world leader with the most advanced air-independent propulsion system. By blacklisting HDW, India deprived itself of the benefits of the latest technological advancements. As India had not received the complete drawings and NATO identification numbers for all spare parts of the submarines, it faced immense problems in procuring them from other sources. Middlemen prospered. By blacklisting HDW, India deprived itself of maintenance support, upgradation opportunities and development of indigenous skills.  
New Policy Guidelines

Learning from the past experience and appreciating the futility of blacklisting companies in haste, Defence Minister Parrikar declined to impose a blanket ban on Finmeccanica for the alleged AgustaWestland misdemeanours. He understood that while outright banning helps the government to counter criticism, it invariably proves highly detrimental to the Indian interests.

In addition to ordering a review of all existing cases, Parrikar directed that fresh guidelines be framed for imposing penalties on errant entities. After detailed examination of all facets, a policy paper titled “Guidelines of MoD for Penalties in Business Dealings with Entities” was approved by the Defence Acquisition Council in November 2016. It is applicable to both capital and revenue procurements of goods and services.

The guidelines aim to achieve probity, transparency, propriety and compliance in the defence procurement process; and help authorities in ensuring fairness, impartiality, rigour and correctness in dealing with entities, keeping in view the overall security interests of the country. The guidelines designate the Defence Minister as the competent authority.

The term entity has been defined to include companies, trusts, societies, as well as individuals and their associations with whom MoD has entered into, or intends to enter into, or could enter into contracts or agreements. It has been further clarified that all firms/companies which come within the sphere of effective influence of the entities shall be treated as its allied firms.

Penalties can be of three types – financial penalties, suspension of business dealings and banning of business dealings. The competent authority can impose a combination of penalties as well.

Grounds for penalties include violation of Pre-Contract Integrity Pact; corrupt practices to secure a contract; violation of agents/agency commission clauses; and non-performance or under performance of contractual obligations. The guidelines also empower the competent authority to suspend or ban business dealings with an entity in the public interest or if the national security considerations so warrant.
The guidelines are silent as regards the quantum or methodology of imposing financial penalties but have dealt with suspension and banning in exhaustive details. Here are the salient aspects.

Suspension of Business Dealing

Suspension of business dealing with an entity may be ordered by the competent authority pending a full proceeding into allegations; or facts related to the specified grounds; or on reference of a complaint to investigative agencies; or when intimation is received regarding initiation of criminal investigation or enquiry against any entity.

Suspension orders will be issued for such period as the competent authority may deem fit but will ordinarily not exceed one year. Order shall be reviewed within six months of its issue and before expiry of the period specified therein. Suspension order may be extended beyond the period of one year for subsequent periods of six months each. Suspension may be extended to the allied firms of the entity by specific order of the competent authority.

Suspension will have the following effects:-

·     Immediate ineligibility from participating in future bids. No Request for Proposals (RFP) will be issued to such an entity.

·         In any on-going procurement process, if L1 determination has not yet been finalised, bid of the suspended entity will be excluded. The procurement will be progressed as per the extant provisions of the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) even with a single valid bid.
·         In any on-going procurement process, if the lowest bid involves the suspended entity, the process will be held in abeyance till decision of revocation of the suspension order or banning the entity is taken. Extension of the validity of the bid involving such entity will not be permitted and the procurement case should be initiated afresh.

Any contract related to the procurement process in connection with which business dealings with an entity have been suspended will be held in abeyance. However, other contracts involving such entity shall continue unless a decision to the contrary is taken by the competent authority, on a case by case basis.

Banning of Business Dealings

It is a far more severe penalty. It gets invoked when either the accused entity accepts misconducts or such misconduct is established by a competent court/tribunal/authority.
In addition, the competent authority can decide to impose ban when a charge sheet is filed by an investigative agency against the accused entity in a court of law.

Period of ban will be at the discretion of the competent authority. However, for breach of probity provisions and on account of national security concerns, it should not be less than five years. For non-performance and reasons of public interest, the ban should ordinarily not exceed three years. Such ban periods will be inclusive of period of suspension, if any, for the same cause of action. Longer bans may be imposed in exceptional cases and those involving national security considerations.

Ban will have the following implications:-

·         It shall result in immediate ineligibility of the entity from participating in future bids for a specified period with effect from the date of such order. No RFP will be issued to such an entity.

·         In any on-going procurement process, if determination of L1 has not yet been done, bid of the banned entity will be excluded. The procurement will be progressed as per the extant provisions of DPP even with a single valid bid.

·         If in any on-going procurement process, the lowest bidder involves banned entity, the process will be terminated and fresh procurement process, if required, will be initiated.

·         Orders of banning of business dealings with an entity may be extended to its allied firms by specific orders of the competent authority.

Any contract related to the procurement process in connection with which business dealings with an entity have been banned, shall be cancelled. However, other contracts involving such entity shall continue unless a decision to the contrary is taken by the competent authority, on a case by case basis.

Exceptions

Some significant exceptions have been made in the guidelines to safeguard Indian interests. A suspended/banned entity may be allowed to participate in future RFPs for spares, upgrades and maintenance for the equipment/weapon systems supplied earlier by it, provided the equipment which is the object of the contract is a proprietary item and no alternate sources of supply are available.

Similarly, in cases involving transfer of technology or licensed production, suspended/banned entity may be allowed to participate in future RFPs related to components/rotables/additional items of such equipment/weapon systems.

If it becomes necessary on grounds of national security and operational preparedness/export obligations, to deal with an entity with which business dealings have been suspended or banned, in a procurement process and which is the only source that can supply/manufacture an equipment/weapon systems, the Competent Authority will be approached for approval of issuance of RFP or conclusion of contract with such an entity.

Other Provisions

Any employee or agent of an entity, who is convicted for any act of impropriety, will not be allowed to engage in any bid process in any capacity with MoD, any time in the future.

Any employee or agent of an entity with which business dealings are suspended or banned and who is involved in a case of alleged impropriety for which investigation or judicial proceedings is in progress, will not be allowed to engage in any bid process in any capacity with MoD even after the expiry of the period of suspension/banning of business dealings with the entity.

The entity with which business dealings have been suspended or banned will not be permitted to transact contracts or agreements under a different name or division either through a transfer of assets of such an entity to another legal entity or otherwise.

An updated list of entities with which business dealings have been suspended or banned by the competent authority and/or against which financial penalties have been imposed shall be maintained on the official website of MoD.

Finally, a word of caution

A word of caution will be in order here. As stated earlier, the government must have conclusive proof that a major breach of probity provisions has taken place. Media reports and rumours cannot be the sole basis. As has been seen, a majority of media reports are subjective, biased and even planted to sabotage a deal. This could be the handiwork of a losing competitor or even by the entities inimical to India’s interests. As has been seen earlier, every suspension/ban puts India’s defence modernisation plans back by decades. Undoubtedly, it is the most cost effective option available to the adversaries to impede India’s defence preparedness.

A few years ago, six companies (two Indian and four foreign) were accused of offering illegal gratifications to a former Director General of Ordnance Factories. All six were debarred on 05 March 2012 from further business dealings with MoD. The foreign companies included Singapore Technologies Kinetics (STK). STK was participating in tenders to supply 155mm/52 Calibre Towed Guns, 155mm/39 Calibre Ultra Light Howitzer Guns and Close Quarter Battle Carbines. All programmes got stalled and no alternate source has been finalised so far.

It must be appreciated that most foreign companies are very conscious of their reputation. They prefer an open, transparent and legitimate environment. Probity laws are very strict and unforgiving in their home countries. They want to do business lawfully in India but realise that ‘speed money’ is the password to winning contracts; and they succumb to the unethical practices due to the coercive arm-twisting. Thus, it is unfair to put the entire onus for corrupt activities on the vendors. In fact, the Indian establishment is more to blame.

Finally, not a single foreign firm has been convicted for the alleged wrong-doings so far, as no conclusive proof has ever been established against the companies blacklisted. After years of costly investigations, the cases are closed without any tangible results. The government is compelled to reinstate the companies and allow them to participate in all defence contracts. Ban on Bofors, HDW and Denel has already been lifted. It is learnt that many other companies may also be cleared in the near future.

There are limited manufacturers of high-tech defence systems in the world who are willing to offer advanced weaponry to India. Blacklisting of vendors reduces competition and forces the government to resort to single vendor procurements with related cost penalty.

In case suspension of dealings is considered to be the unavoidable option, it should be timed in such a manner that India’s defence preparedness suffers the least. Had India waited for a few months before banning HDW, it would have received all catalogues and drawings of the submarines. Whereas the need to send a strong message to the environment in unambiguous terms cannot be disputed, punitive action must always be taken in a measured and graduated manner to safeguard own interests.

Therefore, the government must tread cautiously. To start with, the allegations must stand proved prima facie. Thereafter, adequate opportunity must be provided to the vendor to respond to the allegations and state its case. Before deciding on the quantum and nature of punitive action, likely fallout on India’s own interests must always be taken into account. Shooting oneself in the foot cannot be a prudent way of handling an issue that has far-reaching effects on national defence preparedness.



















Who will judge the Judges? by Aditi Kumaria Hingu

Who will judge the Judges?


Aditi Kumaria Hingu

The Republic of India has a federal government, comprising of the Executive, Legislative and Judicial branches.  This structure is based on the Constitution of India. The Constitution framed a system of governance in which the powers conferred by the people are not vested in either a single person or a single institution. Therein came the principle of ‘Separation of Powers’ among the three pillars of democracy – the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary.

The Executive comprises the Prime Minister and his council of ministers (the temporary executives) and the Civil Servants and other officers (the permanent executives). They have the sole responsibility to ensure daily administration of the nation/state. They propose policies, and once approved, ensure that policies are implemented in a timely and effective manner.

The Legislature comprises the Parliament (Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha). It is the policy making body of the country where all bills proposed by the Executive get discussed, debated, amended, approved or rejected.
The Judiciary is the adjudicating body which is independent of the Executive and Legislature. The bills proposed by the Executive and the laws passed by the Legislature are subject to judicial review by the Supreme Court of India. The Judiciary has the power to declare a law null and void if it violates the constitution.

However it is a matter of national shame that the very Judiciary which is tasked with ensuring that the Constitution is followed is now flouting its principles on a regular basis with impunity.

Three recent judgements made by the Supreme Court of India come to mind –

In November 2016, the SC mandated that the National Anthem must be played in all theatres prior to screening of movies. Neither was the ruling well thought through, nor was it made clear as to how would this be enforced.  Movie-goers were confused whether they should stand up in case the National Anthem is played as part of a movie. Physically disabled members of the audience were assaulted for not standing up when the anthem was played. It took clarifications and notifications from the Ministry of Home Affairs to clear the air on this issue.  The Honourable SC seemed to have forgotten the fact that patriotism cannot be enforced. If at all, it does need to be enforced, who will be the enforcing agency? Should the Indian Police Force, which is under-staffed and over-worked, be asked to let go of their current duties during movie times?

The second judgement was the April 2017 ban on all liquor vending outlets, including Hotels and Restaurants, within 500 metres of National and State Highways. If people drink and drive, accidents will happen. The source and distance of liquor purchase is not a variable that impacts the casualty rate. It will be worthwhile to monitor road accidents for the period of April 2017 – March 2018 and compare it to the same period, a year ago. There is very high probability that there will not any significant reduction in the casualty rate. However there would be another metric that would have dropped significantly – the rate of employment.  It is estimated that around 1 million jobs will get impacted in the hospitality industry due to this law. Assuming an average family size of 5 members, this law directly hits at the livelihood of 5 million people. Not only is this a silly order, it is also a clear case of judicial overreach since the prohibition of consumption of intoxicating drinks is a directive principle which is under the aegis of the duly elected government.

Lastly and the most dangerous example of judicial overreach has been the SC’s decision to reject the curative petition of the government and uphold its earlier direction of 8th July 2016, wherein registration of FIR against Armed Forces Personnel has been made mandatory for every encounter death. This includes disturbed areas where Armed Forces Special Power Act (AFSPA) is in place. The Army and paramilitary forces are deployed in sensitive areas due to the breakdown of civil machinery. Apart from helping maintain order, they also serve a humanitarian role – hospitals in the Himalayan region, the Goodwill schools in Ladakh, the roads maintained by Border Roads Organisation are just a few examples. Yet, our Honourable judges chose to paint the soldiers with the same brush as they would a common criminal. No soldier wants to kill his own countrymen. But if there is a threat to the country’s sovereignty, he will risk his all and fight. He will either kill or get killed.  Now, with this judgement passed by the SC in its hallowed portals at New Delhi (far away from the harsh realities of Siachen and Sukma), the soldiers have no option but to either let the terrorists escape or get killed themselves.

It is indeed a sad day for the Republic of India when one of the pillars of democracy, the Judiciary, itself becomes an enemy of the nation. Not only does it break the norms established by the Constitution by its acts of judicial overreach, it also harms the country’s freedom of expression, economy and security.

The enormity of the Judiciary’s misplaced zeal becomes even more obvious when one considers the abysmal track record of justice dispensation in India. There are 30 million cases pending in India. Even if one assumes that a case involves only two people, it is tantamount to 60 million people waiting for justice. Despite these millions of people waiting for justice related to criminal and civil matters – murders, rapes, criminal intimidation, property disputes, cheating- the highest court in India, decides to focus its energies on when the national anthem should be sung, where should liquor not be dispensed and how should soldiers fight wars. If this is not a mockery of justice, what is?

(Aditi Kumaria Hingu is a marketing graduate from IIM Calcutta, currently she works in the corporate sector. She comes from an army background.)



VIP Culture: Delusions of Privileged Status

VIP Culture: Delusions of Privileged Status



Major General Mrinal Suman




While on a walking tour of Ljubljana (capital of Slovenia), a group of Indian tourists were surprised to see the country’s President walking across streets to his office with a handbag in one hand and a cup of coffee in the other. No escorts, no red lights and no sirens. He kept exchanging pleasantries with fellow citizens. The local tour guide informed the group that the President was staying in her building and had coffee in the neighbouring restaurant every morning.

Disbelief was writ large on the group’s faces. Having been treated as second class citizens by India’s VIP class, they envied the Slovenians and wondered if India could ever dream of having a similar order and be rid of flashing red lights, speeding convoys, large fleets, blaring sirens, blocked roads and rude escorts that make general public feel humiliated.

Therefore, the country was pleasantly surprised to learn of the decision to ban the use of red lights on vehicles. Red light symbolises authority, muscle and privileged position. It helps VIPs whizz through heavy traffic and toll barriers. Craze for the red beacon borders on mania.

Prime Minister Modi tweeted that every Indian was a VIP and the culture of beacon should have gone long ago as these symbols are out of touch with the spirit of new India. Road and Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari rightly hoped that the decision would bring more credibility to the political class. "This is a very important decision for the democracy because a lot of people have a lot of hatred, with the behaviour of the politician," he said.

Undoubtedly, India’s VIP culture is symptomatic of feudal mindset. VIPs start considering themselves to be a class apart – a part of the ruling elite that is above the law and closer to being demi-gods who dispense favours to their hoodlum followers. They become arrogant and egotistical. Their innate traits of self-aggrandisement manifest themselves in a number of ways. They behave in a boorish manner, consider it below their dignity to await their turn, demand precedence at every place and consider themselves to be a privileged lot. In short, their behaviour becomes obnoxious and unbecoming of their status.

Banning of red light is certainly a bold major step. But if the government is serious about abolishing VIP culture, it needs to do much more. Here are three suggestions.

The first one pertains to the cavalcade that accompanies a VIP and the quantum of security provided. Importance of a VIP is judged by the number of security men surrounding him, hence the race to extract the highest category of security. Over 60 percent of NSG commando strength is deployed on personal security duties. It is an obnoxious sight to see thugs masquerading as mass leaders and protected by elite security personnel.

Many leaders intentionally create adversaries by their irresponsible statements and thereafter seek state protection for personal safety. We have states in which the leader of one party apprehends a threat from another party and demands government protection, while the leader of the second party seeks similar security fearing attack by the first party. Both leaders (who may be petty gangsters) are provided state security. There cannot be a worse misuse of taxpayers’ money.

Some citizens are of the view that like common citizens, dignitaries should also learn to live with day to day trepidations and risks. If a leader is so timid and cowardly with regard to his personal safety, he might as well stay out of public life.

The second suggestion is about the practice of addressing dignitaries as Honourable. It is anachronistic in a democracy.  By putting them on a pedestal, we give them a false sense of importance that makes them arrogant. Such sycophantic addresses go to their head. Imagined self-importance gives them delusions of privileged position. No wonder that some Honourable dignitaries conduct themselves in a most dishonourable manner by behaving like street goons. Subservience is not a sign of respectfulness.

Entry of the Rajya Sabha Chairman is announced, “Honourable Members, Honourable Chairman.” And soon thereafter, we see the Honourable Members storming the well of the house, shouting slogans, displaying placards, tearing papers, disobeying the chair and impeding business of the house. Smug smiles appear on their faces on forcing adjournment of the house. Prefix Honourable appears incongruent. Why not refer to the dignitaries as Mr Chairman, Mr Speaker, Mr Minister and Mr Member.

Similarly, why should courts and judges be called Honourable? It should suffice to address them with due respect without any embellishments. In January 2014, the Supreme Court had clarified that judges should be addressed in courts in a respectful and dignified manner and it is not compulsory to call them ‘my lord’, ‘your lordship’ or ‘your honour’. The observation was made during the hearing of a petition which said that addressing judges as ‘my lord or your lordship’ in courts was a relic of colonial era and a sign of slavery.

The third suggestion pertains to the most abused term ‘privilege’. It divides the country into privileged and non-privileged classes. The concept of privilege is used as a smoke screen to misappropriate public resources and facilities and to evade accountability. Every legislature, every court and every office has privileges which they guard zealously. Faulting them can land a citizen in serious trouble for ‘contempt proceedings’.

Why should it be the privilege of a VIP to delay a flight or train, or demand specific seats? Why cannot they travel like ordinary citizens? How are they empowered to usurp the rights of fellow travellers? Why should there be VIP lounges at the airports? Will sitting with common people who elected them reduce their status?

A few years ago, while on a visit to Copenhagen an Indian visitor saw the Queen of Denmark doing her weekly shopping of household requirements in a mall, accompanied by a solitary maid. The Queen was picking up the required items from the shelves and the maid was pushing the cart. Being used to seeing Indian leaders (accompanied by security personnel) causing immense inconvenience to common citizens in public places, his surprise was natural.

Attitude is defined as a predisposition or inclination in respect of something or someone; and it is not easy to change attitudes. Therefore, VIPs will not shed their culture easily, banning of red lights notwithstanding. They will certainly find a way out. Jugaad (innovative making-do) is our innate strength. For example, some will insist that their cavalcades be piloted by a police vehicle with blue beacon as an ‘emergency measure’. Let us see how the things unfold. These are interesting times.*****    

The murder of Umar Fayaz: When a son dies too young by Aditi Kumaria Hingu



Aditi Kumaria Hingu





This story began 22 years ago when a baby boy was born. His parents and family were overjoyed. They named him Umar. Like parents all over the world, they too, had dreams for their son – simple dreams that make up the fabric of our daily lives. Dreams of their son doing well in academics, choosing a profession, marrying a girl, giving them grandchildren to pamper – nothing fanciful or unachievable. Most of us lead a similar life. Our parents had such dreams for us and we wish the same for our children.

Umar was fond of sports, full of life and described as a friendly person. Again, this description would fit many among us. Nothing extraordinary about this – Umar seemed to be a regular 22 year old boy.

But one choice, just one choice, set him apart – instead of choosing more lucrative professions like the Civil Services, the Law, the Corporate World, he joined the Indian Army. Lieutenant Umar Fayaz was commissioned in December 2016. He was posted in Akhnoor with 2 Rajputana Rifles.

On 9 May 2017, he went to a village in Kulgaon in South Kashmir to attend his cousin’s wedding. He was on leave – just another young boy who had come to enjoy the festivities. But it seems that his one decision of joining the Indian Army had subsumed all other aspects of his life – his right to life included.

He was kidnapped and murdered sometime during the night. His body was found in Shopian riddled with bullets. It has to be noted that Umar was not in Kulgaon on duty. He was a local Kashmiri boy. Yet, his life was not spared. Do we need more proof that there is a war on in Kashmir? It is not a small matter of civil turmoil that can be solved by armchair activists. It is a war and a war needs to be fought with guns and guts in equal measure.

Sadly, our nation lacks guts. In misguided Gandhian spirit, we offer our other cheek when the first one is slapped. No other nation – be it USA or Israel – will tolerate such atrocities on their Armed Forces. The land that produced Chandragupta Maurya and Maharana Pratap is now a land of wimps and cowards. All we can do is fulminate and show our indignation.

Or maybe, we are just not bothered about the soldiers who live and die in anonymity. The death of an ageing film star is more heart wrenching for us. In fact, we are very concerned about everyone else, apart from the soldiers who ensure that we live a safe life.

It is fair to assume that there will be predictable reactions to his killing. The politicians will honour his ‘martyrdom’. Some of the politicians may even condescend to mourn his death on Twitter – never mind that they were the ones worrying about the stone pelters when one of them was tied to a jeep a few weeks earlier in order to avoid a massacre. A few liberals will raise questions about the underlying sentiments and causes of disenchantment of the local population. We will read opinion pieces that will speak about lofty ideals like ‘restraint’ and ‘inclusion’.

Can someone go and tell Umar’s parents to exercise restraint and not let their tears flow? Can someone explain how a SC judgement can be so in favour of terrorists and against their own soldiers- if Umar had been in a position to fight his kidnappers and maybe kill them in self –defence, a FIR would have been filed against him. He would have spent his life doing the rounds of courts. Can someone please tell that how can such atrocities be inflicted time and again on a nation of 1.2 billion people? Can someone please answer my questions:–

1. Lieutenant Umar Fayaz was murdered. As citizens of India, his family has the right to speedy and fair justice. The SC April 2017 judgement on probing encounters in disturbed areas says “It does not matter whether the victim was a common person or a militant or a terrorist, nor does it matter whether the aggressor was a common person or the state. The law is the same for both and is equally applicable to both... This is the requirement of a democracy and the requirement of preservation of the rule of law and the preservation of individual liberties”. What about preservation of Umar’s individual liberty? If the law is same for common person or the state, then Umar’s family must get justice and closure. Who will catch the killers and ensure that they are put on trial? How will the judiciary ensure that his family gets justice?

2. When a local Muslim boy is murdered, the fault line is obviously stronger than religion differences. The fall guy of all intellectuals, ‘Hindutva’, cannot be at play here. There are undercurrents and cross currents which the armchair intellectuals sitting in New Delhi will not understand. But they are not even making a genuine attempt to deep dive into the situation and work towards a possible resolution. It suits all the intellectuals to keep the Kashmir issue alive – as it gives them huge visibility at zero risk, zero cost.

3. Human rights, by definition, should be applicable for ‘All Humans’. Under a soldier’s uniform, there is a living, breathing human being. He too has rights. The right to life is the most fundamental one. Signing up for the Armed Forces is not equal to signing away your rights. Will anyone raise a voice for the soldier’s rights? I doubt it, because it is far more seductive to speak about the human rights of ‘misguided youth aka terrorists’ than it is to speak about ‘men in uniform’.

4. When everyone has a view on how the Armed Forces should do their job, why are they not joining the Forces? We all know that the best way to bring about any change is to change the system from within. So for all those who advocate ‘maturity and restraint’, including abolition of the Armed Forces Special Protection Act (AFSPA), please join the Armed Forces. Encourage your sons to join the Army, become leaders of soldiers and then influence the system to change as per your views.

It is indeed a sad day for India today. We have let down our soldiers, their families and all those who have died for this country to date. Cry, my beloved country – that is all you can do! That is all you are fit to do!

(Aditi Kumaria Hingu is a marketing graduate from IIM Calcutta, currently she works in the corporate sector. She comes from an army background.)