Defence Production Policy: Hopes Belied
Major General Mrinal Suman
The Ministry of Defence (MoD) released India’s Defence
Production Policy (DPrP) on 13 January 2011 with much fanfare. It was touted to
be a path-breaking initiative to kick-start growth of India’s defence industry.
It was assertively claimed that DPrP would ‘help achieve substantive self
reliance in design, development and production of defence equipment, weapon
systems and platforms; create conditions conducive for the private industries
to play an active role; and act as a catalyst to enhance potential of small and
medium enterprises (SMEs)’.
As over two years have passed since the
promulgation of DPrP, it is time to take a stock of the progress made in the
achievement of the stated objectives and carry out a review of the salient
aspects of the policy.
Enhanced Involvement of the Private
Sector
Recognising the emerging
dynamism of the Indian industry and admitting the fact that self-reliance will
remain a pipe dream unless its potential is tapped, DPrP stressed the need to encourage
larger involvement of the Indian private sector in a proactive manner. DPrP
sought to build a robust indigenous defence industrial base through synergising
the strengths of the public and the private sectors.
Unfortunately, no movement
in the above intent is discernible. The public sector continues to occupy a
predominant position and bag all the orders. The private sector carries on
waiting patiently on the periphery for some of the crumbs to come its way. Production
agency nominated to receive technology under ‘Buy and Make’ route continues to
be a public sector unit, even if a private company is better equipped to
receive incremental technology.
Two retrograde steps
taken by MoD in the recent past are symptomatic of the stranglehold enjoyed by
the public sector. A special category has been created to place orders on
public sector shipyards by nomination. The private sector is thus denied an
opportunity to participate in bidding. Secondly, MoD has withdrawn the option
earlier given to a foreign vendor to choose an Indian partner as the recipient
of technology for maintenance. MoD has appropriated the right to nominate the
Indian partner – needless to say, it will never be a private company. Therefore,
the prevailing skepticism amongst the private sector entities about Government’s
true intentions is understandable.
Preference to Indigenous Production
It was declared in DPrP that preference
would be
given to indigenous design, development and manufacture of defence equipment
and imports would always be the last resort. To assist the indigenous industry
to plan in advance, it was stated that an unclassified version of the Long Term
Integrated Perspective Plan (LTIPP) would be made public. Despite the fact that
the Defence Acquisition Council approved LTIPP for the plan period 2012-27 in
April 2012, no public version has been released to date.
It was also claimed that efforts would be made by the Department
of Defence Production to progressively identify and address any issue, which
impacts, or has the potential of impacting the competitiveness of the Indian
defence industry. Not a single measure has been initiated so far. Similarly,
the much promised preference to the Indian industry in the upgradation of
defence equipment is yet to become evident.
It was promised that
policies would be put in place to encourage both the public and the private
sector to strengthen their research and development wings to facilitate constant
up-gradation and improvement in systems under manufacture. No steps have been
taken so far.
Exploration of Multiple Approaches
DPrP advocated exploration
of viable approaches like formation of consortia, joint ventures and public private
partnerships to synergize and enhance the national competence in producing
state of the art defence equipment within the price lines and timelines that
are globally competitive. Even the involvement of the academia, research/development
institutions and technical/scientific organisations of repute was recommended.
Pursuant to the above, MoD
issued ‘Guidelines for Establishing Joint Venture (JV) Companies by Defence
Public Sector Undertakings’ on 17 February 2012. Most disappointingly, whereas
a public-private sector JV should be formed to complement their mutual
strengths, the guidelines provide a conduit to the overloaded public sector units
to outsource overflow of orders to their joint ventures. As the public sector unit retains the right to approve key
decisions in JV, it will never allow it to bid for a contract in which it
is interested. Thus, competition from competent private sector companies will be thwarted very
effectively and the inefficient public sector will continue its monopoly.
Simplification of ‘Make’ Procedure
‘Make’ route of the procurement
procedure spells out the process of indigenous development of the defence
equipment and has been further split into three sub-categories – strategic, complex
and security sensitive systems to be managed through the Defence R&D Board;
low technology mature systems to be treated as ‘Buy Indian’ with minimum 50 per
cent indigenous content; and high technology complex systems to be undertaken by
Indian industry, public sector and consortia on a level playing field.
The above procedure has come under
severe criticism for its complexity and contradictory provisions. DPrP had
promised to simplify the procedure to expedite indigenous design and
development of the required equipment. No action has been taken so far. It has
turned out to be a false promise.
Setting up of a Separate Fund
With a view to support
research and development to enhance cutting edge technology of the defence
systems, the Government had promised to set up a separate fund to provide
necessary resources to SMEs; public and private sectors; and academic and
scientific institutions. Indian industry, especially SMEs, were quite excited
at the prospect of getting much-needed financial support from the Government
and drew out ambitious plans for the upgradation of their facilities and
knowledge.
Over two years have
elapsed but the promised fund is nowhere in sight. It appears that the
Government was never serious about it. Interestingly, some elements in MoD have
started questioning the need for a dedicated fund. They opine that adequate avenues
are already available under existing budget heads.
Conclusion
As per DPrP, the Defence
Minister is required to carry out an annual review of the progress made in
self-reliance. The degree of bureaucratic
apathy can be gauged from the fact that not a single meeting has been held over
the last two years. In any case, a review meeting is meaningless in the absence
of specifics. Neither a time bound road map has been laid down nor major
mile-stones identified for guidance and periodic stock-taking.
A great deal of euphoria was generated when MoD’s press release
claimed that DPrP would act as a catalyst to enhance potential of the Indian
defence industry, especially the private sector and SMEs. As seen above, the
Government has not achieved any of the stated objectives. As a matter of fact,
no serious effort has been made towards that end. It appears that MoD issued DPrP
only as a paper of intent to silence its critics and was never serious about
its implementation. The private sector feels let down as all their hopes have been belied. Optimism
has been replaced by a sense of despondency.
If MoD is genuinely sincere in building up India’s defence industry, it must shed its pro-public sector mindset. Equal opportunities must be provided to the private sector in a non-partisan manner. Unfortunately, no encouraging signs are visible as yet.